Statement of deed from The Organisation of Revolutionary Self-defense towards a new international revolutionary movement
On Sunday 31st of August, a little before dawn, we carried out an armed intervention against the mexican state, by shooting at the building of its embassy in Athens. On Wednesday 9th of October, at quarter to five a.m. we carried out another armed intervention against the french state, by throwing a hand grenade next to the guard of its embassy in Athens, opposite the greek parliament. These two aggressive actions of our organization, together with our first armed intervention on the 25th of May 2014 against PASOK, defy in deed the armed domination of the greek state and at the same time they express the vision of social revolution and of the dissolution of authoritative institutions here and now.
In order to construct a revolutionary movement on sturdy foundations, we must study the defeats of the past. We must focus on the contradictions of past movements and analyze the dynamics of class antagonism today, as a result of a historical evolution. The totalitarian capitalist aggression, which began two and a half decades ago and spreads around the globe, is connected to the fundamental crisis of the socialist movement.
The main contradiction which brought about the demise of the revolutionary wave of the 20th century is statism. Parliamentary democracy, dictatorship of political parties and, at the same time, the repression of workers' self organization implanted bourgeois authority in the loins of social revolutions, ever since the french revolution. The revolution in Russia was led by a political and technocratic elite. Early enough, the cul-de-sac of state socialism was revealed in the repression of the revolt in Crostande and of the revolution in Ukraine in 1921. Following the 2nd imperialist war the socialist bloc, with Russia at its epicenter, underwent a gradual restructuring, by assimilating elements of capitalist antagonism. By 1989 the course to raw capitalism had been completed. The resources and the labor power of socialist states were granted to private looting from the party and technocratic elite. The nationalism that had been retained within state interrelations became a weapon of war, to be used by multinational capital for its onslaught.
The revolutionary movement in Greece paid a heavy price for the dominance of the statist dogma. In December 1944 the popular movement in Athens was left isolated and practically unarmed to be crushed by the British troops and the local fascists. Thereafter, the Communist Party (KKE) capitulated to the fascist monarchical republic and surrendered the weapons of resistance, thus abandoning the struggling masses to the brutal state and paramilitary terrorism. The national front became the guarantee of defeat for the social revolution.
The KKE took up arms again in 1946, in an attempt to rescue its party mechanism. It was already too late for the revolution. For the survival of the party though, the clashes of the rear guard holding out on the interstate borders and the isolation of fighters in exile, would suffice. Since then, the party political left wing has never again taken up arms. The KKE was absent in the struggle against the 1967 dictatorship. During the revolt in the Polytechnic School of Athens in 1973 it maintained a reactionary stance. It stood by, waiting for the establishment of parliamentary democracy, in order to enter into the regime and end up as a crutch for capital and state repression.
Toady, the image of the interstate system of hegemony reflects the full assimilation of state socialism into the capitalist world. The international bourgeoisie, having rid itself of the contradiction of state socialism, was free to pillage the oppressed, as well as the public and natural wealth, without restrictions or pretenses. The entirety of state dependent relations and survival vouchers, called 'welfare state', became a wasteful expense. Labor and citizen's rights, also became obsolete, since the political and financial elite gained the monopoly of violence. Class hegemony revealed its fundamental cruelty.
Day by day, capitalist antagonism deepens the structural crisis of the system of domination.
It is a financial crisis: a crisis of over-accumulation, widespread devaluation of capital and of entire states, a downright degradation of labor and an exclusion of huge parts of the social population.
It is a political crisis: Today, all those who are exploited are involved in political management only from a hostile viewpoint; as victims of the antagonism of authority. Mediation has lost all value. In its place are planted the terrorist policies of the imposition of social consensus. The crisis of the representative system, became a crisis of perspective.
It is a cultural crisis: The financial and social crisis can be overcome through destruction and self-destruction. Antagonism over profits relies on war. States have always shed the blood of peoples outside their borders, in pursuit of their interests. The powerful capitalist states, during colonialism, during imperialist wars and during the cold war, transferred the brutal class war to the third world, all the while, maintaining class peace within their borders with national policies. Today, however, class war is exploding within the capitalist inland. The multinational and multi-racial working class is getting incarcerated in ghettos, prisons and concentration camps. National guarantees have become eliminated. Local parts of the working class are impoverished along with the migrant parts. Middle classes are becoming proletariats. Public and natural wealth is being looted. The murderous mechanisms of capitalist democracies are openly shooting to kill.
The French state is at the front line of the predatory capitalist war waged against the planet. It protects its monopoly on the exploitation of natural resources and its investments in N. Africa and the Middle East, by military interventions and by supporting any kind of counter-revolutionary forces. French militarism is a fundamental pillar of NATO and of the military wing of the EU.
The French state, within its borders, attacks the social movement by military means, wherever it carries out profiteering projects, detrimental to the natural environment and to local communities. Recent examples are the attempts to build an airport in Notre-Dame-des-Landes and a dam in Testet. In Testet, in the Siven forest, on the 25th of October 2014, the french national guard murdered protester Remi Fraise by shooting a tear gas canister directly at him.
By the same military means, the french state has for months been attempting to evacuate the large migrant community of Calais, located on the maritime borders with Britain, so as to transfer its residents to concentration camps.
In the summer of 2016, the french state attacked the social revolt that erupted against the new antilabor laws, with chemical warfare, plastic bullets, mass arrests and torture, leaving hundreds injured. The protesters then, were confronting not only the cops, but also the repressive organs of institutional unions, who attempted to quell the widespread anti-state rage.
At the time of our attack against the french embassy, there was a riot van and a security police vehicle stationed opposite the embassy. One of the riot cops stood guard on the opposite pavement to where we stood in order to throw the hand grenade next to the embassy guard. They did not, because they could not, halt our determination. By this armed intervention we want to send a message to the exploited and excluded people around the world: The state is a castle built on sand. The armies of the rulers are powerless when faced with the wrath of the revolted. Lets encounter the inhumane war tactics of the regimes with armed resistance and revolutionary organization. As we said on March 2014, “the brutality of the organs of power will be crushed under the power of the weapons of resistance”. Today we are better prepared to actively guard our struggles.
The hypocrisy of bourgeois democracy is laid bare in the 'state of exception' that it saves for the fighters incarcerated in its prisons. The Lebanese fighter, Zorze Ibrahim Abdallah, is incarcerated in french prisons since 1984, following a barrage of attacks against the US and israeli state. According to french law, he should have been released in 1999. But, Abdallah's detention is prolonged because he remains an unrepentant revolutionary.
Managers both from the left-wing as from the right-wing apply the same policies dictated by the executive boards of financial capital and the same repressive tactics. If it wasn't Hollande, it would be another puppet. This is absolute rule in our days.
In the U.S., under president Obama, state murders of african american and latin american people, who do not belong to the financial and political elite, have multiplied. In the U.S. today, the mass wildcat strike of prisoners against their condition of slavery is faced with the full range of repressive methods.
The mexican state is a resounding expression of totalitarianism in democratic disguise. For a whole century, two political cliques alternate with each other in taking over power. Since 1919, when the bourgeois and feudal reactionary forces put an end to the zapatista revolution, the mexican state has been slaughtering the indigenous communities and the social movement with military operations and paramilitary organizations formed by land owners and local rulers.
The new zapatista movement that sprung up in the Chiapas territory in 1994, has for two decades now been facing the murderous activity of the mexican state and paramilitary. Two years ago, the local police of Guerrero county, with the aid of a gang, murdered 43 students, discarding their bodies. In June 2016 the repressive armed operation against the revolt of workers in education in Oaxaca territory left dozens dead or missing and hundreds wounded. Torture, rape, murders and disappearances are the daily routine of the mexican state.
By our aggressive action against the mexican state we address those who struggle somewhere far away, or here, nearby: The social revolution knows no borders. Lets not leave anyone alone against state terrorism.
The armed intervention against the building of the mexican state in Kolonaki sq. was carried out a week after the 20th anniversary of the state murder of anarchist Xristoforos Marinos by the EKAM (special repression force unit). The fallen of the social war inspire our struggles. We do not forgive the crimes of power.
The greek state continues its repressive policy by the same terrorist means. One of the first specimens of the SYRIZA-ANEL governance was its murderous approach against the mass hunger strike of political prisoners in the spring of 2015. So as to maintain the special counter-revolutionary laws, so as to legitimize torture for the purpose of extracting DNA from suspects, so as to prolong the detention of prisoner's family members, so as to prolong the murderous incarceration of Savas Xiros despite his physical impairment, dictated by the american government, it repeatedly led two hunger strikers (Michalis Nikolopoulos and Panayiotis Argyrou) to the brink of death. The government's raw reaction against the political struggle of imprisoned fighters began with home raids against people in solidarity and was completed with the prolonged police siege and finally evacuation of occupied Prytaneia (Deanery of the Greek University).
Coercive temporary abductions of political fighters by units of the security police continue. Particularly during days of mass mobilizations, such as the anniversary of the revolt of Polytechneio in 1973, these kind of abductions take place en masse.
The police practice of openly torturing political fighters and the oppressed continues in an intensified manner in the past few months (young Roma tortured at Koukaki police station, young migrants, members of a self organized migrant housing project, tortured at Omonoia police station, political repression in the cities of Komotini and Agrinio, raids and arrests in the self organized occupied neighborhood of Prosfygika, L. Alexandras, murder of the migrant former prisoner Pellumb Marnikollaj in Patision police station). Moreover, the open collaboration of cops and fascists has once again come to the fore, through a number of recent events. State and paramilitary terrorism are always part of the same integrated state planning.
SYRIZA employs all the reactionary mechanisms with extra ease. By pretending they are still an extra-systemic party, it distances itself from its political responsibilities. We say, no more bullshit! We declared this when we attacked PASOK, with reference to the legislation about type C isolation prisons:
“Every single executive of the state mechanism is personally responsible for the crimes of authority. Those who repress the workers. Those who violently attack social struggles. The officers guarding concentration camps and prisons. The political heads of mechanisms of repression. The members of parliament who vote for new measures for prisons and the head of the regime who will put his signature on them. The class movement has the power to punish the protectors of the bourgeoisie one by one, as they deserve.
The bullets we nailed at the offices of PASOK gave the rulers a taste of what is to follow. Every bit of exploitation and oppression will be avenged.”
The cop's injury in front of the french embassy is a just a scratch compared to the daily terrorism perpetrated by the bosses, compared to the widespread and constant military occupation of public space, compared to the junta-inspired practices of political repression, compared to the militarized management against the mass movement, compared to the chemical warfare and the tortures. The Organization for Revolutionary Self-Defense calls for and puts all its strength into the construction of the broad armed social resistance. So that we crush the terrorism and domination of the exploiters. A hand grenade for every teargas canister. Two bullets for every cop that strikes a blow.
Today the greek state is intensifying its predatory policy with the new memorandum programmes. It deepens its war alliance with the israeli state that holds an entire peoples imprisoned and hungry with daily murders and military settlement. It officially supports the counter revolutionary terrorist practice of the fascist turkish state, which is bombing towns and villages within its borders, which imprisons anyone who dares raise their voice against the regime and which has invaded Syria.
The greek state is subservient towards its powerful partner states and towards the domestic and international capitalist trusts, because its survival in the time of dominance of over-accumulated capital is dependent. Subservience towards big capital, participation in the interstate militarism that is active in the region and at the same time, nationalism within its territory in order to impose class peace.
The general crisis becomes a dead end for bourgeois democracy. The huge electoral abstention is a structural expression of the systemic crisis. The political and financial elite reacts to the debasement of the political system by intensifying class exclusion. The extortionate representative system which has until now pacified class antagonism, has given its place to parliamentary oligarchy and its totalitarian politics. Governments are elected by increasingly exclusive privileged minorities in order to impose central economic programmes.
In 2014 the Organization for Revolutionary Self-Defense, only a few hours before the euro-elections, attacked the offices of PASOK, which forms part of the core of state totalitarianism and which played the role of a democratic facade to the neo-fascists right wing, in order to perpetrate this brute capitalist aggression. With this attack we propagated a series of claims against class oppression and repression:
- Immediate abolition of the legislation for Type C prisons. - Abolition of anti-terrorist laws. - Shut down concentration camps. - An end to the persecution of migrants.
PASOK responded with a crescendo of authoritarianism:
“Interventions to the legislative work through threats and shootings, for the benefit of terrorists, are unacceptable. Democracy and the parliamentary regime cannot be threatened. The communique of this attack merely confirms the necessity for the existence of Type C prisons.” This demonstrates the structural relation between parliamentary totalitarianism and the policies of oppression, exploitation and repression.
In August, TO VIMA, a government affiliated press, was supporting the fake democracy of Erdogan with daily front page articles, at a time when everyone understood that the latest attempted coop was a drop in the ocean of the fascist turkish state. Why did they express such fondness for Erdogan's regime and the Grey Wolves, who are connected on all levels to the Islamic State? Because the political and financial elite of the greek state can see its fall coming. It can see that the oppressed masses are realizing that capitalism is a brute dictatorship and that the days of the domestic political system are numbered. In this panic the elite of the greek state identifies itself with its murderous neighbour and waves the decrepit flag of democracy.
In May 1974, one of the leaders of the coop of 21st of April, N. Makorezos, submitted to general Gkiziki a 'highly confidential' memo “addressed to the leadership of the armed forces”. This text was published in 1975 by Stavros Psixaris (the politcal editor of TO VIMA at the time, and now director of Lambraki press). The suggestions of the jounta executive were as follows:
“1. Immediate formation of a powerful government for national salvation, constituted by the most able executives available in the country, regardless of political creed, excluding of course the anarchists.
2. Declare widespread participation in military forces. All who are able must come to the aid, and desirably join the army. There is no Right wing, Centre, Left wing, just as the Revolution of the 21st of April declared. There are only Greeks and anarchist subversives. The latter must be isolated and all the rest must collaborate to help...
3. Specifically, the mission of this government shall be:
I. to create the conditions necessary for the regeneration of our political forces.
II. to lead as soon as possible to parliamentary elections...”
The recent victory of Trump in presidential elections in the U.S. and the reinforcement of extreme right wing parties in Europe reflect how the structure of bourgeois democracy is laid bare. Obama's scheduled speech in front of the Acropolis will be the last act of a 60 year cycle of efforts to impose class compromise.
The left wing of SYRIZA and its lackeys was the last chance for the political system to attempt to maintain the passive tolerance of those who are hit by capitalist restructuring. In the summer of 2015, SYRIZA attempted to gain social legitimacy for the memorandum agenda, by holding a referendum and expecting that the terrorizing propaganda, spread during that time by the bourgeoisie, would gain ground. The euro-terrorism did not pass, but the state and the banking institutions found no obstacle for continuing their policies. The opposition wings which saw the referendum as a great “political battle”, were either so steeped into the constitutional conventions that they understood nothing of the totalitarian character of modern democracy or they intentionally invested in this episode of devastation of the social forces, being tied as they are to the wagon of state management.
The political opportunists, historically ignorant, who invested time to the regime's left wing, bear responsibility for the ground the struggle has lost in the past four years. The game tactics of the dying reformism were named “respect to popular will”. And so, once again the strength of the social movement was suppressed and the parliamentary regime was resurrected. Those who propose as a way out of the crisis, the exit from the eurozone, but without social revolution, serve by their lies the rotten political system that is deteriorating. Those who talk of pre-revolutionary stages without direct confrontation with the state, and of political summits, perpetuate passivity while capitalist totalitarianism advances.
Return to the illusion of social democracy is portrayed in the scene as the modern communist alternative. “Communism” without the direct re-appropriation of all wealth through armed workers' and community councils! “Communist” planning without combative class organization! Verbal fanfare! Their seriousness is limited to the realism of reformism. The grandeur of their vision is exhausted in the authoritarianism of groupuscules. Authoritarianism and reactionary ideas are mutually related. Authoritarian groups do not create a movement, they become fragmented and isolated. This is why they are hostile to that which surpasses them. In these conditions, they resort to every sly means of political sabotage invented by authority.
In these days of remembrance of the November '73 revolt against the junta, the moment is right for us to show that democracy and dictatorship are different only in name. During these days, the local elite is hosting the president of the state which imposed the junta of the generals of Ioannidis, the state which is still behind all dictatorships (eg. Egypt). These days, we give a hard blow to the carcass of liberal democracy, we get organized, we strike back.
For the construction of a revolutionary movement that will abolish the domination of state and capital.
By studying the history of class war and of revolutions, their consequences and contradictions, we say that the revolutionary movement of our time must and can be anti-statist. It must and can set as a direct target the overthrow of the political-military and economic regime, the abolition of state institutions and the uprooting of mechanisms of power.
It must and can set as direct aim the socialization of all existing wealth, through armed communes that must and can be established today by the revolutionary action of workers' and community assemblies. The seeds for this social movement are the struggles we give everyday, the mass organization of active resistance, the insurrections that climax and spark the progress of the movement.
The organizational bases of the revolutionary movement must and can be communalistic, federalist and universal. The revolutionary movement must and can be grounded on initiative, political freedom and equality, and on collective development.
The revolutionary struggle today, must and can create, through its organization, the cells of a civilization without authority, to create social life against capitalist relations and the state.
Today the diffusion of revolutionary self-organization to the great mass of the exploited and excluded, is both necessary and feasible. The implementation of social self-direction is necessary and feasible here and now.
The statist model of Marx-Engels was tied to the bourgeois political structure. No version of political party centralism ( social democratic, Leninist, Trotskyist, Stalinist, Maoist, Guevarist, etc.) can anymore produce social revolutions. To give a few contemporary paradigms. The Tupamaros-MLN in Uruguay were assimilated into parliamentary politics after 20 years of urban guerrilla warfare. The political leaders of the Uruguay state of this past decade, come from the Tupamaros and have been implementing social-democratic reformist programmes that do not manage to prevent the antisocial consequences of capitalist antagonism.
Today in Nicaragua, where the head of state is the leader of the revolutionary government of Sandinista, Daniel Ortega, the government is implementing the largest infrastructure project on the planet. A bridge, 286 km in length (Panama bridge is only 81,5 km) that will cross lake Nicaragua. A huge natural area will be destroyed in the service of commercial antagonism between chinese and american capital, with the latter controlling the crossing of Panama. Land and human communities are devastated for the sake of the profits of capitalist giants.
In Nepal the governments originating from the communist maoist party, which took over power in 2007, are now plagued by corruption and war of factions, for the sake of government seats, having
dismantled the mass organizational bases of the revolution. Nepal's contemporary maoists resorted to bourgeois financial policies in no time.
The lebanese resistance organization Hezbollah, is today fighting for the dictator Assad, against the revolted syrian people. Statism produced only counter-revolution.
The dead ends and confusion of leftist statism can only beget monsters. An “anti-imperialism” with no reference to class struggle and popular revolts, is today defending the slaughterer Assad, simply because he became the target of western imperialism and maintains the support of russian imperialism. This analysis seems to forget that the Baathist regime in Syria and Iraq were tools of imperialists and zionists (Iran-Iraq war, sabotaging of the Palestinian resistance etc.). This analysis underestimated the struggles of the class oppressed and all that they have won over through revolutionary struggle. Today the leftist statist tradition that sees interstate antagonism, but is blind to class struggle, can only chose between different versions of counter-revolution (eg. Imperialist “democratization”, islamic fascism or conservative dictatorships).
On the contrary, by looking into the core of radical movements around the planet today, we can see the anarchist revolutionary tradition.
About the political actions of the Organization for Revolutionary Self-Defense
The state presents the armed anti-regime organizations as a circle of isolated persons. The intentions of this misinformation are obvious: On a propaganda level, the state aims to belittle the dynamics of guerrilla struggle. On the level of repressive policies, it aims to assign collective responsibility and construct across the board penal charges. The police-judicial mechanism wants to impose their sense of “communalization”: all charges against all captive fighters.
The Organization for Revolutionary Self-defense is a product of what the class conflict demands today. Our organizations is struggling to construct a mass internationalist revolutionary movement, by strengthening militant resistance on the entire spectrum of class antagonism. Our organization is an autonomous initiative that aims for the unity of anti-statist revolutionary forces. This is possible only through bringing armed struggle into the social movements.
The identities of militant formations are not blank names. Revolutionaries do not pretend. They do not mingle behind the closed doors of political offices, like authority does. They bring to the light the revolutionary prospect by their deeds and words. The Organization of Revolutionary Self-defense is no one’s faction. It is a sentinel for the social movement. We are inspired by the history of class struggle and particularly by the recent experience of armed struggle and we erect one more revolutionary barricade.
It is a standard tactic of the lackeys of state propaganda to connect the fugitive fighters to the ongoing armed actions. In truth, there is nothing that can connect our action to any fugitive fighter. We have comradely respect for captive anarchist revolutionary Nikos Maziotis, who is constantly targeted by reactionary propaganda, however, the Organization for Revolutionary Self-defense follows its own strategic path. When the time comes for the construction of a unified militant formation of the revolutionary social movement, the world will already be in uproar.
One bourgeois tabloid wrote about our actions against the french embassy, that we hid behind a passing bus. The state lackeys meant to spread lies about us endangering workers on their way to work early in the morning. However, at quarter to five in the morning, buses do not run yet. Only service buses occasionally pass. Even in the scenario where we disregard the lives of passenger workers, no action plan could depend on such a random factor, as a passing bus.
We chose to act at that time, exactly because it is the time of day with the least vehicle and pedestrian movement on the streets. Had we prioritized our own safety, we would have acted at rush hour, when we could have had cover in the crowd and left the scene unnoticed. So we would have chosen to endanger random passersby or to throw the hand grenade in the yard of the embassy from the side of Akadimias Av. which is cut off from the road, without knowing whether an employee or a cleaner is present there. On the contrary, we chose to carry out our attack in front of the cops, at a time when our move would have no cover from the crowd. The comrades who carried out the attack stood for half a minute on the corner of Merlin st. until the street light of Vas. Sofias av. turned red, so that there would be no passing vehicles in front of the area when the grenade would blast. Before turning on to Vas. Sofias av. they checked that no passing vehicle was coming from the left where it could enter into the range of the explosion. The motorbike stopped in front of the embassy and then armed the grenade, while the driver watched the guard of the embassy. “The motorbike that passed by speeding” is the cops’ propaganda. Let them publish the video from the cameras of the embassy and the neighbouring buildings.
The workers who mover around the city to get to work, are in danger by the predatory policies of the greek state. Only last week, a bus full of passengers caught fire on Mesogion av. The fleet of public transport is intentionally left to decay, so that the private maintenance companies can get a piece of business, a fact transport workers attest to. The fleet is left without personnel to attend to it, because of the anti-labour policies of the local and interstate elite. Public transport which should be free, but is instead paid dearly for by workers, is depreciated so that it can be given away to private looters. The political and financial elite does not hesitate to endanger the poor population who move by public transport, for the benefit of their predatory plans.
The political aim of the Organization for Revolutionary Self-defense was crystal clear on all three armed interventions. Attack state oligarchy, the dictatorship of capital and its armed guards.
Our chosen tactic corresponds to the political aim. So far, we have carried out interventions in the hub of the local bourgeoisie, in places where the state demonstrates a false military supremacy. We used basic weapons of mass self defense. We acted twice right next to the bastards of the riot cop units (MAT) so as to show that the social movement must not be afraid of them. Soon, their time will come.
At the attack against PASOK, the rifle that shot at the offices did not malfunction, as the cops reported. They wanted to ascertain that we lacked in training and that only the state trained militarist professionals can handle weapons, and that revolutionary action is doomed to fail. Our two shots however, hit their target point blank, thus disproving them. These two shots were enough to demonstrate our decisiveness and the capacity of a revolutionary movement to hit the executives of the political and economic elite.
Once again the KKE (Greek Communist Party), as a faithful servant of the bourgeois system of governance, attempted, following our action against the french embassy, to sow confusion amongst the exploited and oppressed, by spreading dark conspiracy theories. It is not the oppressed who are afraid of armed resistance. It is the prospect that the class oppressed will arm themselves and crush state terrorism that terrifies the bosses and their political helpers.
The first article of our social programme says: Armed class self-organization
The first article of our economic programme says: We shall nail to the wall all the exploiters and wretched politicians who presents themselves as popular saviors.
EVERYONE ON THE STREETS
VICTORY TO THE STRUGGLES OF THE OPPRESSED
ORGANIZATION OF REVOLUTIONARY SELF DEFENSE
November 14, 2017